The
attack on the premises of the Paris-based satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo,
was a clash of two forms of absolutism. On one hand were the gunmen who claimed
the right to summarily execute those they believed had insulted their faith. On
the other hand were the artists of Charlie Hebdo who reserved the right to
satirize whatever caught their fancy in an uncompromising exercise of their
freedom of speech. From Islam’s founding prophet and Christianity’s holy
trinity to France’s black female justice minister and the Chibok girls, no one
has escaped the magazine’s irreverent depiction.
Without
question, the murders were self-evidently wrong. The attack has been portrayed
as an extremist assault on freedom of speech. Worldwide, there have been
declarations of solidarity with France and affirmations of the sacredness of
free speech.
The
problem is that absolute free speech is a myth. If it truly existed, countries
would not have laws against incitement, sedition, libel, defamation or slander.
A world of such boundless liberty would not need Official Secrets Acts. Whistleblowers
like Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, Mordecai Vanunu and Wikileaks would be
garlanded for liberating information.
In
this parallel universe, racist chants by European football fans would be
unobjectionable. There would be no need for censors and artistic license would
be completely unfettered. There would be no laws protecting public decency or
religious sensibilities from the travesties of the irreverent. Charlie Hebdo
would not have fired a staffer in 2009 for anti-Semitism. It would be acceptable
to scrawl swastikas and choice portions of Hitler’s Mein Kampf on synagogues. People would not be prosecuted for homophobia,
holocaust denial or anti-Semitism. Xenophobia and racism would not carry the
whiff of moral odium.
Ironically,
barely a week after the Paris attacks, French authorities arrested and charged
the comedian, Dieudonne M’bala M’bala, for a Facebook post “glorifying
terrorism”. The contradictions and hypocrisies are obvious
enough and if prosecuting a comedian for a facebook post seems inconsistent
with the odes to free speech that have emanated from Paris in recent days, it
can be easily explained. Freedom of speech is a relative term entirely
dependent on national experience, the evolutionary trajectory of political
institutions and the distribution of power among various classes and interests.
The
French Revolution was a revolt not only against the corrupt Bourbon monarchy
but also its ally, the Church. It was the insurgence of enlightenment values
against the medieval horrors of a religiously-backed tyranny. The 19th
Century French historian Jules Michelet believed that the French Republic would
“take the place of the god who escapes us.” Thus, France is a fanatically
secular realm whose Muslim population – the legacy of its imperial hey days –
poses a particular challenge. Because of its history, France entertains a socio-cultural
bias that enables a satirical magazine to caricature its religious and racial
minorities (Muslims, Christians and those of African and Middle Eastern
descent) under the cover of free speech while a comedian of colour who attempts
to exercise the same right is charged with “glorifying terrorism.”
The
West sees itself as the last outpost of rationality threatened by the
superstitious idiocies of religion. In reality, when the nation-state
supplanted religion as the West’s core communal principle, power and violence
discarded their overtly religious vestments for secular garments. Secular
ideologies appropriated popular devotion. As the English philosopher C.E.M.
Joad observed, “Political doctrines such as fascism and communism assume for
the twentieth century the status which religious doctrines possessed in the
nineteenth.”
Our
inherent blind spots prevent us from discerning the secular dogmas which
approximate religion’s much vaunted irrationality. Consider Marxism’s
assumption of the infallibility of an omniscient proletariat, capitalism’s
assumption of the inerrancy of market forces and its veneration of the
invisible hand, a metaphor of Calvinist origins that conflates an unfettered
free market with providence; fascism’s deification of the state and secular
liberalism’s divinization of the self and its sacralization of individual
liberties including free speech.
Both
religious and irreligious societies maintain speech codes. In the former, they
may take the form of blasphemy laws and in the latter they take the form of
utterances deemed threatening to the sociopolitical order. In secular France,
cartoons that mock religion are not deemed dangerous to public order. Anti-Semitism
is treated differently perhaps because of Europe’s lingering guilt over its
complicity in the Nazi holocaust. Religious sensibilities are not protected
from deliberate offence. Every society has its pet prejudices. France’s Muslim
minority appears to be the convenient guinea pig for free speech absolutists
but this trend also reflects France’s problem of racial and socio-cultural
integration, European uncertainty about what multiculturalism and growing
pluralism mean for national identity and coherence, and (largely Islamophobic and
xenophobic) fears of a jihadist fifth column in Europe.
Absolute
freedom of speech is a myth. There is no individual liberty that is not bounded
by the responsibility of competent social being. It is impossible to
simultaneously sustain absolute individual freedom and social cohesion. Our
freedoms, even when not legally circumscribed, still need to be exercised with
reason, empathy and responsibility. At what point does free speech morph into hate
speech? This controversy is really about drawing the line between liberalism
and extreme licentiousness and radical libertinism. How do we strike a fair
balance between artistic license and decency, order and respect for all
sensibilities? Isn’t such moderation the truly rational path in a diverse
world?
images sourced from labourlist.org
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