It
is true that time changes things. Hindsight has a way of doctoring our
recollections. History is often kinder to political reputations than
contemporary news cycles but none of this justifies the sort of amnesia that we
habitually display. The list of honourees from the Centenary celebrations reflects
the dangers of short memories. Let us leave aside the absurd acclamation of the
racist Frederick Lugard and his consort Flora Shaw, or the irrationality of a
free people feting their erstwhile colonial overlord or the fact that a civil
war that claimed over a million casualties cannot really throw up “heroes.” It is
the rendition of recent history that is of concern.
The
list was a startlingly incongruent mishmash that purported to honour the human
rights advocate, Gani Fawehinmi and the two men, Ibrahim Babangida and Sani
Abacha, who did the most to abbreviate his life through ceaseless persecution and
incarceration. Was the Kuti clan supposed to be grateful to share honours with
the men who killed their matriarch and serially jailed Fela and Beko?
MKO
Abiola, the winner of the annulled 1993 election, was honoured as well as
Babangida who annulled the election, Abacha who jailed him and murdered his
wife, Kudirat, and Abdulsalam Abubakar on whose watch he died mysteriously. Shehu
Musa Yar’Adua is honoured along with his murderer, Abacha. The list reconciled
Olusegun Obasanjo with Abacha who jailed him on trumped-up charges of
coup-plotting. Ernest Shonekan, who continues to parade himself as a former
head of government even though a court declared his regime illegal, makes the
list. It was under his watch that Abacha as minister of defence ordered troops
to mow down scores of demonstrators protesting the annulment of June 12 and the
imposition of Shonekan’s regime.
With
the list, Abacha’s rehabilitation is almost complete. In June 2008, Babangida,
Abdulsalam and Muhammadu Buhari claimed that contrary to widespread belief, the
begoggled dictator was not a thief. The occasion was the tenth anniversary of
his demise, the inspiration, apparently a case of solidarity among despots. It was
a bizarre claim, not least because only a week earlier, the Swiss government
had returned $505 million of Abacha’s loot stashed in Swiss banks. It was
Abdulsalam himself who had initiated investigations into Abacha’s thievery and
launched efforts to recover his hidden loot. Moreover, as head of state, Abacha
had set up an inquiry headed by Pius Okigbo which indicted Babangida for the
theft of $12.3 billion of oil revenue. As for Buhari, his loyalty to a former
employer clearly belied his reputation as an honest truth-teller who says it
like it is.
According
to Richard
Joseph, under
Babangida and Abacha, Nigeria shifted from mere
Prebendalism – the appropriation of state resources under the cover of legal
rules and procedures – to outright confiscation in which government officials
simply seize public assets without bothering to camouflage their larcenies with
rules or procedures. Abacha’s prodigious kleptomania
placed him in the ignominious company of Africa’s most notorious plundering
potentates such as Mobutu and Bokassa. The general and his associates stole
over $2 billion amounting to more than a million dollars for every day Abacha
was in office, including weekends.
One
of President Goodluck Jonathan’s favourite ripostes to his critics is that he inherited
a mess from his derelict predecessors. The honours list begs the question: who
is responsible for the mess? How does a country so universally acknowledged to
be scarred by bad leadership constantly fete a dazzling array of supposedly exemplary
leaders? Strangely, Abacha’s son, Mohammed is currently facing federal prosecution
for being in possession of federal property stolen by the late dictator. What does
it tell us that Mohammed was also part of a delegation of Northwestern leaders
to Aso Rock this past January, an occasion on which Jonathan claimed that his
administration had performed better than any other in Nigerian history?
If
Abacha was truly responsible for an economic miracle, as his citation read,
then the implication is that his successors, Abdulsalam and Obasanjo, in
particular, destroyed that legacy. Thus, neither of them should have been on
the list. Historical revisionists are obviously trying to burnish putrid
reputations. Abacha left Nigeria as the world’s 13th poorest
country, a pariah nation with a $30 billion debt and a wretched income per head
of $345. Oddly, while Jonathan was exonerating Abacha, Nigeria was paralyzed by
fuel scarcity – a legacy of the tyrant’s era along with failed refineries and
toxic fuel imports.
The
irony is that Abacha and Babangida seem retrospectively tolerable only in the
light of the inadequacies of their successors including the current
administration. Not long ago, we were treated to Obasanjo and Babangida publicly
accusing each other of running the country’s most corrupt regimes. The celebration
of these former leaders raises questions about how we define accomplishment and
heroism in these parts. Already, upon their assumption of office, Nigerian
heads of state and presidents are decorated with the Grand Commander of the
Order of the Federal Republic, the nation’s highest honour, for little more
than successfully staging coups and rigging elections. It is a system that rewards
the attainment of office by any means rather than what is actually achieved
while in office.
The
singular message of the centennial honours list is that might is right and that
power is its own justification. Where in our algorithm of hero-making does the
sanctity of life fit in? Babangida and Abacha led two of Nigeria’s most
murderous regimes. Honouring them airbrushes a grim and bloody chapter of our
history that was marked by coup plots and state violence. Does anyone now remember
the massacre of protesting students at Ahmadu Bello University in 1986? Dele Giwa,
Bagauda Kaltho, Alfred Rewane, Ken Saro-Wiwa and many others would obviously
have had very different perspectives on the list.
Obasanjo
visited death and destruction on Odi and Zaki Biam. Unsurprisingly, T.Y.
Danjuma who as his defence minister oversaw those military assaults made the
list. Courts have since recognized those expeditions as crimes and awarded a multi-billion
compensation package to the two communities – a clear indictment of both
Obasanjo and Danjuma. In 2012, Jonathan deployed troops to suppress Occupy
Nigeria protests in which close to 20 Nigerians were killed nationwide despite
the protests being essentially peaceful.
Leaders
that casually terminate their citizens either by commission or omission,
negligence or intent, are not heroes regardless of what economic miracles they
perform. They can be simultaneously applauded for their dexterity and censured
for their brutality. At a time when there is much handwringing over Boko Haram’s
atrocities, it should not be forgotten that bomb attacks were actually
pioneered by Abacha’s security establishment in the mid 1990s. The disregard
for human life that we see today is the latest iteration of a culture of
violence authored by the political figures that are now uncritically festooned
with national honours. No amount of hagiographical detergent can whitewash the
bloodstained legacies of these men.
We
are now paying a high price for being too forgiving of the sins of the powerful
and too forgetful of their victims. We need to regain a sense of history for
memory is our shield against perpetual oppression and posterity is a harsh
judge of the forgetful.
(All images sourced online)
Excellent post. I will definitely come here more often.
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